GOLLUSCIO Lucia Angela
congresos y reuniones científicas
Mapudungun Reference System: The roles of demonstrative formatives and determiner particles in encoding referential entities in discourse.
Seminario; Seminario de Sintaxis. Sistemas de Referencia; 2022
Institución organizadora:
Universidad de Sonora
Mapudungun Reference System: The roles of demonstrative formatIves and determiner particles in encoding referential entities in discourse (aceptado)AbstractThis work is part of a broader investigation on determination and the expression of definiteness in Amerindian languages. It focuses on the Mapudungun demonstrative domain, particularly analyzing the formants fa- y fe-/fi- and the determiner particles ta and ti in discourse, as well as the relationship between them.Mapudungun (also called Mapuche or Araucanian) is a language isolate spoken with different degrees of vitality in central-southern Chile and southern Argentina.Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs have been identified and described throughout the history of studies on this language. However, little has been said about the meaning and function of the demonstrative formants fa- and fe-/-fi (see Harmelink 1996) that occur not only in demonstrative pronouns (tüfa ‘this’; tüfey ‘that’) and adverbs (famngechi ‘in this way, like this’; femngechi ‘thus, in that way, like that’, among others), but are also the basis of demonstrative verbs (fa-le- ‘to be like this’; fa-m- ‘to do like this’/ fe-le ‘to be like that’; fe-m- ‘to do like that’, among others).On the other hand, the particles ta and ti here discussed have been defined and described in very different ways in studies on Mapudungun, either as articles (Zúñiga 2006), anaphoric pronouns (Smeets 2008), determiners (Golluscio and Hasler 2017), reference- point markers (Becerra 2021) and, in the case of ta, even as an ornamental particle, without a grammatical function (Augusta 1903). A relationship between the particles ta and ti and the formants fa- and fe- was first suggested by Smeets (2008 [1989]). Recently, Becerra (2021) defined a grammaticalization pathway from the demonstrative pronoun tüfa ´this´ to ta ‘DET’ as well as from tüfey ‘that’ to ti ‘DEF’. This paper expands that initial proposal into new grammaticalization channels for demonstratives, with the following targets: (a) the neutral demonstrative pronoun fey, which, on the one hand, has taken on an anaphoric function, and, on the other, has taken the place of a third person personal pronoun; (b) the demonstrative formants fa- and fe-, and (c) the verbal suffix -fi ‘third person primary object’ (Golluscio 2010, Zuñiga 2015).In light of the grammaticalization processes carried out by the demonstrative pronouns, the aim of this presentation is to propose an integral interpretation of the functions of the particles ta and ti in relation to the formants fa- and fe-, within the framework of a theory of reference in discourse. To this end, based on a text-centered approach and using a qualitative methodology supported by quantitative data, we have systematized and examined the occurrences of these forms in a corpus that encompasses five texts of various genres (narrative, procedural, conversational) annotated in ELAN. For the analysis, our starting point is the perspective of Christian Lehmann, who recognizes that reference in discourse comprises two basic operations: the individuation of the referents and their anchoring in discourse (Lehmann 2016). This presentation focuses on the second operation: the anchoring of referents. Thus, based on the background of their diachronic shared origin, we propose that the demonstrative formant fa- and derived pronominal lexemes, as well as the nouns determined by ta, are anchored in the deictic field (+proximity, + presence). Furthermore, ta is mandatory when the speaker is looking at the referential entity (üta-pa-y ta ofisha ina ruka [graze-CIS-IND.(3) DET sheep house] ‘The sheep came to graze next to the house’).Instead, the forms with fe-/-fi, as well as the definite marker ti, are generally not anchored in the deictic field: fe-/-fi mainly function as endophoric markers, while ti modifies a referent anchored either in the universe of discourse, encyclopedic knowledge or shared experience. References Augusta, F. 1903. Gramática araucana. Valdivia: Imprenta Central J. Lampert. Becerra, R. 2021. De demostrativos a partículas de punto de referencia: Colocaciones, funciones y diacronía de dos partículas en mapuzugun VIII Congreso Internacional de Lenguas y Literaturas Indoamericanas / XIX Jornadas Lengua y Literatura Mapuche, Temuco, Chile, noviembre 2021.Golluscio, Lucía. 2010. Ditransitive constructions in Mapudungun. In Malchukov, A., M. Haspelmath & B. Comrie (eds.) Studies in Ditransitive Constructions: A comparative Handbook: 710-756. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.Golluscio, L. & F. Hasler. 2017. Jerarquías referenciales y alineamiento inverso en mapudungun. Revista RASAL (2017), 1: 69-93.Lehmann, C. 2016. Reference (MS)Harmelink, B. 1996. Manual de aprendizaje del idioma mapuche: Aspectos morfológicos y sintácticos. Temuco: Universidad de La Frontera.Smeets, I. 2008. A grammar of Mapuche. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Zúñiga, F. 2015. Valency classes in Mapudungun. In Malchukov & B. Comrie (eds.) Valency classes in in the world’s languages. Vol. 2: Case studies from Austronesia, the Pacific, the Americas, and theoretical outlook:1515-1543. Berlin/Boston: De Gruyter Mouton.Zúñiga, F. 2006. Mapudungun. El habla mapuche. Santiago: Centro de Estudios Públicos.