INVESTIGADORES
KORNFELD Laura Malena
capítulos de libros
Título:
Compounds N+N as formally lexicalized appositions in Spanish
Autor/es:
KORNFELD, LAURA
Libro:
Topics in morphology
Editorial:
IULA
Referencias:
Lugar: Barcelona; Año: 2003; p. 211 - 225
Resumen:
It is the purpose of this paper to discuss
the nature of compounds of the type noun+noun (N+N), such as hogar escuela, salón comedor, pollera pantalón, perro policía, turismo
aventura, hombre lobo, and to establish their origin as formally
lexicalized appositions.
The status of compounding is controversial
(compare DiSciullo & Williams 1987 ideas, in which compounding in English
is considered a morphological process, with Lieber 1992 or Baker 1995 views,
that defend its syntactic nature). However, even those who assert that English
compounds are morphological, recognize the syntactic form of the internal
structure in compounds of Romance languages (cf. DiSciullo & Williams about
French compounds such as gagne-petit, essuie-glace, trompe-l?oeil). This
hypothesis has not been yet developed for Spanish (cf., in this respect, most
specific articles about compounding, such as Rainer & Varela 1992, Piera
& Varela 1999 or Val Alvaro 1999). In the particular case of compounds N+N,
in literature about Spanish morphology and syntax it has been often remarked
their similarities with restrictive appositions (cf. RAE 1973, Hernanz &
Brucart 1987, Rainer & Varela 1992, Di Tullio 1997, Val Alvaro 1999, Piera
& Varela 1999, among others). These similarities have been explained from
different views: compounds are derived from appositions (for example, RAE 1973,
Di Tullio 1987); appositions are actually compounds, that is to say,
morphological constructions (for example, Hernanz & Brucart 1987); there
are two different constructions, one generated by the morphological component
(compounds) and the other by the syntactic component (appositions) (for
example, Rainer & Varela 1992, Piera & Varela 1999, Val Alvaro 1999).
Althought they recognize implicitely a sort of continuum between the two
phenomena, Rainer & Varela (1992: 117-120) study some criteria that would
differenciate compounds N+N from appositions. The most useful of these criteria
seems to be the following: compounds are ?syntatic islands?, referring with
this label to the ?inseparability of compounds? and the ?inaccessibility of
their constituents for syntactic rules?, but implying too that units whose
internal structure obeys the Spanish phrase rules are not compounds (on
slightly different terms, the reasoning is reproduced in Piera & Varela
1999: 4380-4386 and Val Alvaro: 4778-4779). In a previous paper (Kornfeld
2000), we have noted in this respect that the opacity to syntactic rules of the
compounds N+N actually derives from their syntactic atomicity; indeed, this type
of atomicity appears too in sequences that have been clearly generated in
syntax and that are, in fact, excluded explicitely by Rainer & Varela from
morphological compounds set (i.e. cases of ?lexicalized phrases? or ?improper
compounds?, such as ojo de buey or media luna).
In this paper, we try to demonstrate that
formal similarities between internal structure of compounds N+N and of
appositions support the claim that compounds are simply instances of
appositions listed in the lexicon and having syntactic atomicity (in the title
and the beginning of the abstract, we have called the conjunction of this
properties ?formally lexicalized?). With this purpose, first we analyze in some
detail the phenomenon of apposition from a syntactic point of view, and, in particular,
we suggest a solution to the problems in case assignment to appositions exposed
by Hernanz & Brucart (1987). Then, we try to unify the properties of
appositions and compounds and to reduce all the types of compounds N+N proposed
by Rainer & Varela (1992) or Val Alvaro (1999), for example, to the types
of appositions signaled in Val Alvaro (1999). Finally, we explain these
phenomena by means of a ?syntactist? model about the relations between
morphology, lexicon and syntax.
The discussion is based on the following
theoretical assumptions:
· There are (at least) three
different notions of ?word?, that define extensionally different sets of
elements: word as a listeme (form listed in the lexicon, necessarily memorized by
speakers), word as a morphological object (build from the atoms of morphology)
and word as a syntactic atom (unit insertable in syntax into head positions).
Morphology is a theory not of the listemes, but of the morphological objects of
a language; therefore, it is so regular and productive as syntax is (DiSciullo
& Williams 1987).
· There are mechanisms for
importing syntactic objects to the lexicon, transforming syntactic objects
(phrases) in syntactic atoms (syntactic words). Syntactic words include Romance
compounds, that reproduce in their internal structure the rules of ?normal?
phrases (V+N, V+Adv, N+A, etc.) (DiSciullo & Williams 1987).
· From a ?syntactist? approach as
the one exposed in Lieber (1992), which tries to reduce morphological
principles to the general principles of grammar, the traditional opposition
between derivation and compounding can be reformulated in terms of ?words
created by word syntax (morphology)? vs. ?words created by proper syntax
(sentential syntax)?. From this view, there would not be different principles
or rules for syntax and morphology (as DiSciullo & Williams and other
lexicalists theories suppose); the same principles set applies to both
components, differenciated only by their atoms and products.
References
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