Causative alternation: the curiously undiscussed alternative

MANGIALAVORI RASIA, MARÍA EUGENIA

Paris

Conferencia; The Grammar of Causation II; 2018

CeLiSo, Université Paris - Sorbonne http://lettres.sorbonne-universite.fr/IMG/pdf/programme_cause.pdf

We argue that (ⅰ)the causative-inchoative alternation includes an underexplored third (Stative-Causative[SCC]) variant allowed by the standardly-agreed combinatorial system (ⅱ)producing a fully-exploited causative alternation(1) (ⅲ)freely available (productive) in various languages (e.g. Romance, Greek). (1) Spanish examplesa. La pasta engorda a los niños. ?Pasta fattens the kids?CAUSATIVE/TRANSITIVE b. Los niños engordan. ?The kids fatten [up]? INCHOATIVE/UNACCUSATIVEc. La pasta engorda. (lit. Pasta fattens.)?Pasta is fattening?SCC/UNERGATIVESCCs have (a)no internal arguments; (b)stative (processless) behavior; and (c)unique (external) argument interpreted by default as cause/initiator ((1)c). This is problematic for:(a).The notion that internal arguments?a constant in the alternation if the analysis is limited to variants ((1)a|b)?are default in the argument structure of COS verbs (Hale & Keyser [HK] 2002:112, Rappaport & Levin [RL] 1995).(b).A basic principle of event composition (2), whereby cause, if present, causally implicates process.(c).The structural nature of causation (resulting from unaccusative-vo-embedding (HK 2002:176, Chomsky 1995); Default interpretation as Theme/Undergoer (Default Linking Rule(RL2010)).(2)a. e1 → e2 ( [V1[V2] HK 1993:69, 2002) b.[xCAUSE[BECOME[ySTATE]]] (RL1998:108)Proposal: Romance/Greek systematically allow direct composition of the external-argument-introducing vo with the Root(3), producing an event and argument structure semantically and syntactically simpler than the causative (1)a and maximally distinct from the monoargumental (1)b. Main evidence. show that: -SCCs do not involve unaccusative structure; -Presence|absence of internal argument yields non-trivial minimal pairs (COS|SCC). Independent evidence: Systematic productivity in other verb classes (analyzed as stative-causative in English/German (Rothmayr(2009)/Arad(1998));Semantico-Syntactic&Morphological correlation.(3) ([vP[voCAUS/INIT,√]])Unlike NullObjects(NOB)/Generic Arguments(GA) SCCs do not bind reflexives nor allow: secondary predication, null/bare object quantification, resultatives, ne-cliticization; occur with verbs incompatible with passives and NOB. Crucial syntactic/event structure correlation (no int.arg.=no process): (i)event modifiers, progressive/perfective tense only allowed (odd) under undergoer reading of DP(4) (cf.(5)); (ii)stative reading of for-x-time (time frame for Individual-Level Property[ILP] (vs.duration/event evolving over time)). IL fits well with: (iii)generic reading of the subject (cf.(4)) (not required by INCH variant); (iv)life-time effect (6); (v)incompatibility with perception reports(7). (vi) Default SCC readings for structurally ambiguous constructions argue against (b)-(c) (defective ext.argument interpretation). (4)Estos payasos *(te) asustan(abruptamente/gradualmente/por un tiempo).`These clowns {*are scary[SCC]/scare you[INCH]} (suddenly/gradually/for some time)? (5)El chocolate{??UNDERGOER/*SCC}} casi engorda/está engordando/engordó. ?Chocolate almost gets fat/is fattening up/fattened(vs. causes fatness[SCC])?(6)Ese chococlate engordaba. ?That chocolate was fattening?(intended: no-longer-existing fattening chocolate)(7)He visto *al chocolate engordar. ?I saw the chocolate fatten?Direct composition with vINIT (cf. McIntyre 2004, Rosen 1989) correctly predicts (i)systematic productivity in Object-Experiencer (Init-Subject verbs) verbs; (ii)optional realization of the affected theme (cf. English).(8)Katherine {SUBJ-EXP*teme|OBJ-EXPOKmolesta).Katherine fears|bothers (okSPA|*ENG).?Katherine is bothersome?Greek SCCs also are: (vii)morphologically simple (special (NAct) morphology required for unaccusative/inchoative), mirroring Romance (SE) marking; (viii)free with verbs not allowing NO; (ix)IL-Predicates; (x)eventive only if the object is realized (perfect tense forces INCH reading); (xi)productive with Object-Experiencer (not with Subject-Eperiencer) verbs.